51 tretis. David Lawton has argued that alliterative poets, claiming to be "God's instrument," would refer to their work in "the morally elevated term 'tretyse'" ("The Unity of Middle English Alliterative Poetry," p. 80).
Sire Se-wel, and Sey-wel, and Sire Here-wel že hende,
Sire Werch-wel-wiž-žyn-hand, a wi3t man of strengže,
And Sire Godefray Go-wel . . . .
(B 9.19; 20-22)
See; Say; Hear
Work; powerful
According to the prophecy of Merlin, this duke Henry is the eaglet, for he was the son of John; following Bridlington, however, he should rather be the dog, because of his livery of linked collars of greyhounds, and because he came in the dog-days, and because he drove from the kingdom countless numbers of harts - the hart being the livery of King Richard (p. 53).For the prophecies of Merlin, see MEPW, pp. 9-10; for a Lancastrian application of the prophecy of Merlin involving Henry, see Strohm, England's Empty Throne, pp. 12-13. The author of Mum includes a section mocking Merlin prophecies such as these (see lines 1723-33). In the MS lines 113-14 are joined with a bracket in the left margin.
There is a busch that is forgrowe;155-56 He mellid . . . that they had. Sk translates: "'He so mixed the metal with the hand-mould, (i.e. so moulded events) that they lost, of their limbs, the dearest that they had,' i.e. their heads" (II, p. 294).
Crop it welle, and hold hit lowe,
Or elles hit wolle be wilde.
The long gras that is so grene
Hit most be mowe, and raked clene -
For-growen hit hath the fellde.
In kynges corte, where money dothe route,
Yt makyth the galandes to jett,
And for to were gorgeouse ther gere,
Ther cappes awry to sett.
gallants; swagger
their gorgeous clothing
160 Felice. Another "type," like Pernell, from PP: "Felice hir fairnesse fel hire al to sclaundre" (B XII.46).
163 now late. Either the scribe or the reader/corrector has inserted, with a caret, of above the line between now and late (and very possibly in the same hand as the MS); and Sk and D&S read now of late. Wr and B read now late. Since "now late" is a common Middle English expression - see, for example, Chaucer's Book of the Duchess, line 45 - I retain the uncorrected reading.
164 kerving . . . to pecis. Another important new style of men's clothing involving the sleeves was called "dagging" (see below, line 193). The cloth was cut - wastefully, according to satirical writers - to put curves or ruffles on the edges or holes in the fabric at strategic locations. Chaucer's Parson complains of "so muche pownsonynge [piercing] of chisels to maken holes, so muche daggynge of sheres" (X[I]418). In the margin, a reader has written "kervinge of clothes."
167 proffith. So Wr: (pr[o]ffith); Sk, D&S, B: proffit. MS: prffith.
186 beringe uppon oilles. To bear or hold up oil(s) means to use flattering speech, as in John Gower's Confessio Amantis, when men speak not honestly and forthrightly, "Bot holden up his oil and sein / That al is wel, what evere he doth" (7.2194-95; see also 7.2584-85).
187 assises. The court of assizes determined legal matters of fact by means of assessors or jurymen ("sisours"). See Alford, Glossary, siv. Sise, and The Simonie line 469 and note, in MEPW. Assizers were proverbial for bringing false and malicious testimony into court.
190 clerlie. MS: clergie.
193 Duche cotis. That is, German coats. Observers of the English court sometimes wrote satires against extravagant or foreign (hence allegedly outlandish) dress. The point about the "Duche" coats is that they were alien, not English. In 1337 and 1363 the English parliament felt so strongly about clothing that they passed legislation - called sumptuary laws - to restrict dress according to class.
194 scorne. So D&S: (schorn); MS, Wr, Sk, B: scorte. B glosses as "speak slightingly," (p. 123). D&S cite the Paston Letters for the phrase "tell scorn" and comment, "No such phrase as 'tell short' is recorded, though Piers Plowman, B. xii. 124 has 'sette short be here science'" (p. 101).
196 peniles. Peniles may or may not be a personification of a "type," like Sir Pride (line 176), Witt, Malaperte, and Wisdom (lines 226, 237, and 238 below). On the Times mentions a "Purs Penyles" who, with "Galauntes," "behold, wander through the countriside" (per vicos ecce vagantur; lines 117-18 in MEPW). The phrase peynte sleve also appears in On the Times, line 85, for "Jurrers with payntyt sleves" are the retainers of noblemen (inopes famuli dominorum), a fashion detail which indicates both their status and their ruthlessness.
201 couude. So Wr, D&S, B; Sk: coude; MS: co?ude; same at line 219.
218 hales. These are structures, sometimes hastily constructed, for specific purposes. See MED s.v. hale n. (2): "A temporary structure for housing, entertaining, eating meals, etc." The first entry is from the Middle English Yvain: "Arthure . . . made a feste . . . in Wales, / And efter mete, žare in že hales."
220 Next to this line, in the MS right margin, appears "Wytt was banysshed oute of the courte." In venality satires, the door and doorkeepers - janitores - can be obstacles for the poor or virtuous. See Beati qui esuriunt, line 78 and note, in MEPW, pp. 190, 226.
221 arouutyd. "driven out of the assembly" (Sk). At lines 207-10, D&S speculate that "Somewhere earlier a passage seems to have been omitted describing how Wisdom came to the court and was slighted by graceless courtiers" (p. 101). But the sudden arrival, otherwise unannounced, of a figure of authority is typical of abrupt appearances of Piers Plowman in Langland's poem. Moreover, the narrator here alludes to the story of his expulsion from the court.
222-23 leve . . . he drank. Ironic: the lord and ladies are not pleased with men of discernment and good judgment such as Witt.
228 yhotte trusse. A "trusse" is a pack or a bundle, so Witt is "sent packing" or given the "bum's rush." For this use of yhotte - commanded - see MED s.v. hoten 3a (f).
234 sleves . . . erthe. The rhetorical device of synecdoche, or part for whole, a favorite of Langland's in PP. "Sleves" here are collectively those with fashionable garments featuring long, trailing sleeves. They might be capitalized (like Malaperte in line 237) and hyphenated: "Sleves-that-slode-uppon-the-erthe." For comparable characters in PP, see B IV.20 ("Suffre-til-I-se-my-tyme") and B XX.312 ("Sire Leef-to-lyue-in-lecherie").
237 Malaperte. A personification of an impudent, bold person.
242 governance of gettinge. I.e., "a just mode of getting money, by imposing moderate taxes; a proceeding which will win grace, i.e. favour. In l. 250 it means government, counsel" (Sk, II, p. 300).
249 these thre degrés. The social ranks mentioned in lines 249-53 include wise counsellors of high standing ("of good age"; "grete"); a warrior class in middle age; and laborers to sustain themselves and the other degrees. In the left-hand margins of the MS the degrees are numbered "1," "2," and "3."
254 Thanne wolde reule. So MS, Wr; Sk, D&S, B: Thanne wolde [right dome] reule. The emendation is unnecessary if we understand line 255 as a noun-clause subject of wolde reule (with anacaluthon or shift in syntax). In the right-hand margin of the MS is written "Agaynste yonnge Counsaylors."
260-61 For it fallith . . . geve good redis. The scribe or a reader has marked off these two lines with a connector ({), as if they were proverbial or worthy of special note.
262 kow to hoppe in a cage. Proverbial figure of ungainliness. See B. J. Whiting, Proverbs, Sentences, and Proverbial Phrases from English Writings Mainly Before 1500 (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1968), C499. See also The Storie of Asneth, line 14 (in Heroic Women from the Old Testament in Middle English Verse, ed. Russell A. Peck [Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1991], p. 22).
265 not yffoundid . . . tyme. Augustine notably discusses the origins of kingship in The City of God 4 and 19, which he attributes to lawlessness and Realpolitik. See WGO, pp. 151-52. RiR in this section argues that kings were not ordained originally to follow a pleasure principle but to work, like plowmen, for the common profit. For a discussion of the common good in the Ricardian period, see Russell A. Peck, Kingship and Common Profit in Gower's Confessio Amantis (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1978), pp. xxi-xxv.
268 meyntenourz. MS: meyntenour3. "'To mark "maintainers" with maces;' i.e. to beat them; in contradistinction to the marking with badges mentioned above" (Sk, II, p. 300). "Maintainers" were men who served as a private army for the king or powerful lords; they often wore special livery and distinctive badges.
272 And not . . . daies. "The word not has been dropped, making nonsense of the whole. Restore it, and we have - 'And not to rule like bats (awake only at night), and rest all day,' etc." (Sk, II, p. 300). B glosses daies as "dais."
282 That. So Sk, D&S, B; MS, Wr: What. In the right-hand margin in the same hand as the MS: "nota, nota, nota / Over Watchynge."
287 To do . . . brest. "'To do them right reverence, though his back break,' viz. with stooping. We ought to read hem for him in l. 286, or else him for hem here" (Sk, II, p. 300).
288-89 This warmnesse . . . longe dure. "This glow of wealth may not last long with any mortal wight" (Sk, II, p. 300).
293 hevene. So MS, Wr, Sk; D&S: heuene-[3ate]; B: hevene-[gate]. B in support of her emendation cites PP V.594: "Of almesdedes ar the hokes that the gates hangen on."
295 knew. So Wr, Sk, D&S, B; MS: kne.
299 kew-kaw. This term also appears in the margin. D&S: "the sense of the passage is that the justices have to be bribed" (p. 102). Sk and B understand the term as "sudden change," "subversion," or "reversal." B moves line 305 to line 300.
306 prien affter presentis. In margin: "Takynge of presentes."
307 abateth all the billis. "And put down (refuse) all the complaints" (Sk, II, p. 300).
309 weddis. Legal pledges as surety for some legal action. The syntax of this passage is difficult, but the sense seems to be that people will lose their lives all too easily and that pledges will do them no good. In margin: "mayntenance."
317 chyders of Chester. The Chester guard constituted Richard's personal army of archers who were noted for their arrogance and brutality. The chronicler Adam Usk regards them as a ruthless gang who unwittingly contribute to Richard's downfall: "The king, meanwhile, ever hastening to his fall, among the many burdens which he inflicted upon his realm also kept about him in his following four hundred supernumeraries from the county of Cheshire, men of the utmost depravity who went about doing as they wished, assaulting, beating, and plundering his subjects with impunity; wherever the king went, night and day, they stood guard over him, armed as if for war, committing adulteries, murders, and countless other crimes; yet so inordinately did the king favour them that he would not listen to anyone who complained about them, indeed he regarded such people with loathing; and this was the chief cause of his ruin" (p. 49).
319 pledid pipoudris. The summary court of "Pie-Poudre" - held at fairs and markets - was so called because those who attended the court had dusty feet. The author of RiR imagines that the Cheshire guard disrupts the already-corrupt proceedings with their intimidating presence. As B observes: "To plead pipoudris for all pleyntis . . . is tantamount to disregarding proper legal procedure altogether" (p. 285).
320 coyffes . . . usyn. This line is vaguely reminiscent of PP B Prol.211-13: "Yet houed žer an hundred in howues [hoods] of selke - / Sergeant3, it seemed, žat serueden at že Barre, / Pleteden for penyes and pounds že lawe." The passage is unique to the B version. Of the coyffes, Sk declares, "coifs such as were worn by the sergeants-at-law; cf. B. prol. 210; and see houe, i.e. hood, in l. 326" (II, p. 301). See also Mum, lines 1141-44.
322 fyne. The implication is that the Cheshire guard raises such a ruckus in court with their false pleading that they bring about a final settlement, a fyne, although that settlement is unjust.
330 And lente . . . battis. "'And gave men the free experience of their long staves.' To lend leverč is to deliver blows; see Wm. of Palerne, ed. Skeat; ll. 1233, 3822" (Sk, II, p. 301).
336 lyghtliche. MS: lyghliche. For the phrase lyghtliche ylaughte, compare PP and the belling of the cat episode: "And ouerleep hem li3tliche and lau3te hem at his wille" (B Prol. 160; not in the A version).
346-47 Between these two lines Sk adds a "missing" line: ["I my3te not reche redili to rekene the nombre"]. His line count is hereafter off by one from this edition.
347 Of many . . . couude. The MS reads, Of many mo wrongis / žan I write couude, which Wr retains. D&S adopt Sk's insertion of a line before this: I mi3te not reche redili / to rekene že nombre. B has [They wrought] many mo wrongis than I write couude, which I revise for my reading. The Of is pleonastic.
351 seven sterris. Medieval writers use "stars" and "planets" indistinguishably. The seven heavenly bodies alluded to in this line are the moon, Mercury, Venus, the sun, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. "Apparently God is the sun, and Bolingbroke and his army the moon and stars" (D&S, p. 104). See below lines III.367-68.
353 menteyned. Sk, D&S, B; MS, Wr: menteyne it.
361 Tyll Degon . . . brastyn. Degon and Dobyn (Diggon and Dobbin) must be names for violent rustic types - similar to Chaucer's Miller or Robin of The Miller's Tale - who are noted for breaking doors in. The difference here, of course, is that these are courtroom doors and part of the Cheshire guard's attempts to derail legal procedure.
363 Awakyd for. So D&S: Awakyd [fro]. MS: And awakyd ffor; Wr: And a-wakyd ffor; Sk: Awakyd ffor, B: And awakyd [fro]. The initial And may be dittography from the previous line or eyeskip from the next line.
Passus Quartus
1-16 For where . . . cometh to fayres? This is one long verse sentence, with considerable anaphora (repetition of first words of poetic lines) on ne and nother.
4 fynys . . . faughtis . . . fee-fermes. These terms seem to refer to Richard's attempts to extort money from those who were involved with the challenge to the crown in 1387-88. After the Shrewsbury Parliament dissolved in 1398, Richard demanded that such persons and the seventeen counties that supported his foes seek pardons from him - his pleasaunce - by midsummer. Fee farms were estates that yielded an annual rent due the crown. In Shakespeare's Richard II, John of Gaunt complains to Richard that England "Is now leas'd out" and "Like to a tenement or a pelting farm" (2.1.59-60).
6 nownagis. Nounages were revenues to the crown on land a minor inherited. See also the note to line 7.
7 March and Mounbray are two examples of men elevated to titles and estates at a very young age, thus yielding nounages. Roger Mortimer became fourth Earl of March in 1381, age seven, while a ward of the Earl of Arundel; Thomas Mowbray (spelled mo?bray in the MS), at the age of seventeen, inherited the barony of Mowbray in 1383. "The Chancellor, Richard, Baron Scrope, father of the Scrope who was later King Richard's favourite, objected to the king's extravagant action in thus granting the lands, and was deprived of his office" (D&S, p. 104). Richard seized Mowbray's properties in 1385, when he married against the king's desires. This is an example of the "for-feyturis" mentioned in line 5.
13 purvyours. Sk translates lines 12-13: "Might not go far enough, even with the addition of his rent, to repay the poor for that which his purveyors took from them" (II, p. 302). Purveyors were officials who seized property; the act of "purveyaunce" - the carrying off of property - was a subject of complaint literature. In God Spede the Plough, for example, the narrator says, "The kyngis purviours also they come, / To have whete and otys at the kyngis nede; / And over that befe and mutton, / And butter and pulleyn, so God me spede!" (MEPW, p. 254).
14 poundage. "In the Parliament of 1397 the Commons granted Richard 12d. on every pound of merchandise and 3s. on every tun of wine entering or leaving the kingdom for the next three years" (D&S, pp. 104-05).
15 a fifteneth . . . eke. Two kinds of taxes: a fifteenth and a tenth. At the Shrewsbury Parliament, "Richard had previously demanded an aid of the commons; and on the fourth day (i.e. Jan. 31, 1398) they voted him, with the assent of the lords, a tenth and a half, and a fifteenth and a half; and in addition, as if they sought to make him independent of parliament, granted him the tax on wool, wool-fells, and hides, not for a short and determinate period as usual, but for the whole term of his natural life" (Sk quoting Lingard). "This is clearly," Sk adds, "the very occasion to which our author is referring" (II, p. 302)
17-19 ne had creaunce . . . dette that they owed. This means, says Sk, "that the court-revellers spent so much that they would have been utterly ruined by debt if they had not paid some of it by promises only" (II, p. 302). Bolingbroke in Shakespeare's Richard II characterizes Richard's spendthrift friends as "the caterpillars of the commonwealth" (2.3.165).
28 sente . . . aboughte. In defiance of custom and law, Richard allegedly appointed knights of the shire and others to sit in the 1397 parliament. See McKisack, The Fourteenth Century, pp. 486-87 and Saul, Richard II, pp. 383-84. His purpose was to ensure that the Parliament acceded to his wishes. Sir John Bushy, from Richard's faction, was the Speaker of this parliament. The official record of this Parliament is in Rotuli parliamentorum, 3: 347-85. Also in this parliament Richard promoted a number of earls to the rank of duke. Walsingham reports that the common people referred to these men not as dukes but as "duketti," the little dukes (Annales, p. 223). Among the promotions were Thomas Mowbray, the Earl of Nottingham (to Duke of Norfolk) and Henry Bolingbroke, the Earl of Derby (to Duke of Hereford); the last of the "duketti" became king of England.
44-45 But yit . . . while. The idea behind these lines is that members of parliament went through the motions of presenting arguments, even though their intent was to ratify the actions. "Some argued against the king's right of taxation, but this was merely a blind" (Sk, II, p. 303).
53 siphre . . . awgrym. The cipher has no meaning in itself but only in relation to other numbers, just as some of the members of parliament take up space but contribute nothing.
55 ysoupid with Symond. "Supping with Simon" means hobnobbing with ecclesiastics - "to share in the revels which some churchmen indulged in" (Sk, II, p. 303). This scene recalls Will's meal with Patience, friars, and a gluttonous Doctor of Divinity (PP B XIII) or the narrator's encounter with a huge Dominican friar, "With a face as fat as a full bledder" in PPCr (line 222). D&S think the reference is to Simon Magus and simony (pp. 105-06).
57-59 somme were tituleris . . . no blame served. "These went to the king, and informed him of foes, who were really friends and spoke for the best, and deserved no blame at all" (Sk, II, p. 303).
66-70 some . . . the reson. Sk says these lines refer to "the logic-splitters" (II, p. 303).
71-82 And some . . . ichonne. D&S remark, "This nautical metaphor is especially appropriate on the lips of a Bristol man" (p. 106). The metaphor of the "ship of state" was common as a way of expressing the situation of the commonwealth. See, for example, "A dere God what may this be," a lament on the death of Edward III (IMEV 5).
74-77 Than lay . . . wedir-side. "This seems to mean that the lords lay comfortably sheltered on the lee-side, and warned the steersman as to what was going on on the weather-side; doing so, probably, by guess. Yet the line [77] is rather obscure. The result was that the mast bent, and nearly broke (l. 79); and if they had not taken in the additional sails in time, they would have fallen overboard owing to the lurching of the vessel" (Sk, II, pp. 303-04).
75 bare aboughte . . . maister. As the lords sheltered their boats around the king's barge, they altered the course of (bare aboughte) the barge and then blamed the steersman.
89 owed. So D&S, B; Sk: oweth; MS: owen. "Some, instead of looking after the money due to the commons, asked for what the king owed themselves, and so far succeeded that they were promised an earnest of money (hansell) if they would help the king; for they should be helped to some of the same silver as he received himself" (Sk, II, p. 304).
93 And some . . . for-soke. "And some forsook well-doing, because they feared the great" (Sk, II, p. 304). The poem breaks off on the eleventh line of fol. 119b. The rest of the page is blank. Six blank pages follow.